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8 months ago
in Vote! on Will Wilkinson
Steve Landsburg has apparently read Brennan and Lomasky, and so has the right stuff to say about this here:
http://www.slate.com/id/2107240/
Dear Uneducated Celebrities Who Don't Know What They're Talking About,
Look--there might be good reasons to vote. But please stop telling people that the reason they should vote is because individual votes are significant. They are not. We'd be happy to explain this to you, but it will involve math, and so you won't get it.
Sincerely,
Educated Experts
http://www.slate.com/id/2107240/
Dear Uneducated Celebrities Who Don't Know What They're Talking About,
Look--there might be good reasons to vote. But please stop telling people that the reason they should vote is because individual votes are significant. They are not. We'd be happy to explain this to you, but it will involve math, and so you won't get it.
Sincerely,
Educated Experts
9 months ago
in New on Free Will: Polluting the Polls with Jason Brennan on Will Wilkinson
Don,
May I suggest that you read the paper? Nearly every criticism you have made either mischaracterizes my position or is a criticism I have explicitly addressed and responded to in the paper. So, in the later kinds of cases, if you think my response to those criticisms fails, you would want to explain why. (This means accounting for what my response is. You are making criticisms I thought of on my own and responded 10 months ago when I wrote the first draft.) But so far, unfortunately, I haven't gotten a single objection from you (or, alas, anyone else on this forum) worth considering for when I expand this paper in book form a few years from now. So, it would be a big favor to me (and to my character, perhaps) if you could read the paper and carefully explain where I go wrong, rather than writing the kinds of things you have been writing.
For instance: Your point about wholeheartedly endorsing the right to vote: In the opening paragraph, I wholeheartedly endorse the right to vote as being a right, not a privilege. I then point out that the right to X doesn't imply the rightness of X-ing. (This is, by the way, an uncontroversial claim among rights theorists.)
May I suggest that you read the paper? Nearly every criticism you have made either mischaracterizes my position or is a criticism I have explicitly addressed and responded to in the paper. So, in the later kinds of cases, if you think my response to those criticisms fails, you would want to explain why. (This means accounting for what my response is. You are making criticisms I thought of on my own and responded 10 months ago when I wrote the first draft.) But so far, unfortunately, I haven't gotten a single objection from you (or, alas, anyone else on this forum) worth considering for when I expand this paper in book form a few years from now. So, it would be a big favor to me (and to my character, perhaps) if you could read the paper and carefully explain where I go wrong, rather than writing the kinds of things you have been writing.
For instance: Your point about wholeheartedly endorsing the right to vote: In the opening paragraph, I wholeheartedly endorse the right to vote as being a right, not a privilege. I then point out that the right to X doesn't imply the rightness of X-ing. (This is, by the way, an uncontroversial claim among rights theorists.)
1 reply
9 months ago
in New on Free Will: Polluting the Polls with Jason Brennan on Will Wilkinson
Don, I'm very sorry, but you've missed the point pretty severely, and on top of it, you're rude.
9 months ago
in New on Free Will: Polluting the Polls with Jason Brennan on Will Wilkinson
E,
Your criticisms are all addressed in the paper. If you don't want to read it, that's fine, but you should be wary of making criticisms that are irrelevant or based on either misunderstandings of what I said or conjectures about what I might have said.
I never said that the poor are bad voters. (I also never advocated voting Republican. In fact, I've never done so. Big surprise.)
Will said in the discussion something like, "Suppose it turns out that the poor are disproportionately those who count as bad voters because they aren't educated well. What would you say about that.?"
I responded with something like, "In that case, I still don't think they should vote, but we should provide better education."
Notice that this doesn't actually claim the poor are bad voters. It's hypothetical. As far as this paper goes, it takes no stance whatsoever on how extensive bad voting is. The thesis of this paper is a normative one about what people shouldn't do. It is compatible with it being the case that in fact everyone votes well. It's also compatible with it being the case that everyone votes poorly.
I've also explicitly addressed cases where the information doesn't admit of any obvious conclusion.
And, yes, people do vote for the active persecution of minorities. People do vote for racist reasons here in the US, and, moreover, this paper takes no special interest in American politics. It's about democratic voting in general. (Why do Americans always think one is talking about them?)
Your criticisms are all addressed in the paper. If you don't want to read it, that's fine, but you should be wary of making criticisms that are irrelevant or based on either misunderstandings of what I said or conjectures about what I might have said.
I never said that the poor are bad voters. (I also never advocated voting Republican. In fact, I've never done so. Big surprise.)
Will said in the discussion something like, "Suppose it turns out that the poor are disproportionately those who count as bad voters because they aren't educated well. What would you say about that.?"
I responded with something like, "In that case, I still don't think they should vote, but we should provide better education."
Notice that this doesn't actually claim the poor are bad voters. It's hypothetical. As far as this paper goes, it takes no stance whatsoever on how extensive bad voting is. The thesis of this paper is a normative one about what people shouldn't do. It is compatible with it being the case that in fact everyone votes well. It's also compatible with it being the case that everyone votes poorly.
I've also explicitly addressed cases where the information doesn't admit of any obvious conclusion.
And, yes, people do vote for the active persecution of minorities. People do vote for racist reasons here in the US, and, moreover, this paper takes no special interest in American politics. It's about democratic voting in general. (Why do Americans always think one is talking about them?)
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9 months ago
in New on Free Will: Polluting the Polls with Jason Brennan on Will Wilkinson
Don,
Your comments about ignorant voters are largely irrelevant, since the paper is predominantly about voting from unjustified and immoral beliefs rather than ignorance. Also, the point about ignorant voters canceling each other out is dealt with both in the talk and in the paper. Did you miss that? (Out of intellectual laziness, perhaps?)
Also, the evidence from the political science empirical work strongly if not decisively favors the view that people don't vote for their own interest. They vote for what they perceive to be the national interest.
Also, not everyone has a two party system. Not sure what difference it makes, though.
Your comments about ignorant voters are largely irrelevant, since the paper is predominantly about voting from unjustified and immoral beliefs rather than ignorance. Also, the point about ignorant voters canceling each other out is dealt with both in the talk and in the paper. Did you miss that? (Out of intellectual laziness, perhaps?)
Also, the evidence from the political science empirical work strongly if not decisively favors the view that people don't vote for their own interest. They vote for what they perceive to be the national interest.
Also, not everyone has a two party system. Not sure what difference it makes, though.
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9 months ago
in Some Nuance on “Bad Voters” on Will Wilkinson
On Hanson: If voters vote for candidates likely to enact harmful policies because of their desire to signal to others, then they vote badly. Perhaps voters don't care at all about policies. But that doesn't mean they aren't bad voters. Quite the contrary--that's one of the things that makes them bad.
1 reply
webgrrl
Ok, perhaps voters don't care at all about policies, Jason. Let me think about that.
If all voters are thus "bad," and Hansonian signaling is inherent in democracy, then there will never be any "good" voters, will there? Or at least there will never be enough. And therefore aren't you, Jason, basically castigating sparrows for being unable to do calculus?
If useful or meaningful democracy is thus impossible, why bother to defend universal suffrage at all? Why not just call it empty, expensive theater and abandon it?
So you would in fact be better off holding a salon in your living room,scrapbooking, joining the bowling league, or drinking wine in your garden while Rome burns in the distance, yes?
If all voters are thus "bad," and Hansonian signaling is inherent in democracy, then there will never be any "good" voters, will there? Or at least there will never be enough. And therefore aren't you, Jason, basically castigating sparrows for being unable to do calculus?
If useful or meaningful democracy is thus impossible, why bother to defend universal suffrage at all? Why not just call it empty, expensive theater and abandon it?
So you would in fact be better off holding a salon in your living room,scrapbooking, joining the bowling league, or drinking wine in your garden while Rome burns in the distance, yes?
9 months ago
in Some Nuance on “Bad Voters” on Will Wilkinson
Thanks for the additional post, Will. And thanks for taking the time to hold the discussion in the first place.
You're right about my motives, here, too. This particular paper is going to seem mean and elitist to lots of people (even if it officially takes no position at all on how extensive bad voting is or on which demographic groups tend to vote badly). Yet it's a piece of an underlying project the goal of which is to recognize the contributions to the common good made by everyday citizens as opposed to holding only community organizers, soldiers, and politicians count as exemplary citizens.
You're right about my motives, here, too. This particular paper is going to seem mean and elitist to lots of people (even if it officially takes no position at all on how extensive bad voting is or on which demographic groups tend to vote badly). Yet it's a piece of an underlying project the goal of which is to recognize the contributions to the common good made by everyday citizens as opposed to holding only community organizers, soldiers, and politicians count as exemplary citizens.
9 months ago
in New on Free Will: Polluting the Polls with Jason Brennan on Will Wilkinson
Matt A:
I don't know if your comment is addressed to Will or to me. (For what it's worth, since we're sharing stories about government assistance, I was born to an unwed poor single mother who had to collect welfare checks, too. So, please don't make any assumptions about my overall politics or my attitudes toward the poor.)
I agree it's a good idea, all things equal, to educate voters. Great. Go do that. Still, even if it's true that we should educate voters, it doesn't follow that those who will vote badly should vote. Those are two separate points. It's true that we should try to educate drivers so they drive better, and it's also true that irresponsible drivers shouldn't drive.
Let's say hypothetically your society unjustly fails to educate you, and, as a result, you will never have the skills needed to become a qualified surgeon or driver. Then you shouldn't be a surgeon or a driver. It's not your fault you shouldn't be a surgeon or driver, but you still shouldn't be one.
I think a good liberal society ought to provide in one way or another for the education of all. My country does tend to do poorly educating certain groups. That's lamentable, and insofar as it's the product of bad policy, unjust. It is a bad thing if people born into lower socioeconomic-statuses are consistently placed in positions where they are unable to vote well due to a lack of education or some other good. These things should be changed. However, it doesn’t follow that people should not vote badly. I agree that we should educate people better, and I also hold that they should not vote badly. We should probably also have more economics courses in high schools, but that doesn’t mean that people shouldn’t vote badly. Etc. If we see people are voting badly, this calls, all things equal, for institutional reform (if we can get it with a net positive effect). But the fact that calls for institutional reform doesn’t automatically let individuals off the hook.
Lack of education is a problem. Go fix that. If bad voting by unqualified people doesn't fix the problem, then don't ask for that. Ask for the thing that fixes the problem.
Tom:
It takes some work to establish my position, which holds that you don't have any obligation to vote, but you must not vote badly if you do vote. (Note that I don't say you have to vote in an optimal way, just that you must not vote badly.) There are serious objections to such a simple claim that it takes quite a bit of work to overcome. First, your vote counts for basically nothing, so it's unclear why it would matter how you vote. Second, I had to show that my argument for not voting badly did not imply that stronger claims that everyone should vote, and everyone should vote well. Third, I had to stave off worries about "epistocracy". Then I had to show that the fact that many people vote out of consideration for character or skill didn't in some way invalidate my claim that they shouldn't vote for harmful policies or candidate likely to produce harmful policies. So, there's a lot involved in saying that there's such a thing as a bad decision. So, yeah, every moral claim is an instance of "don't make bad decisions", but they hardly reduce to it.
As for the metaethical question (what makes something objectively right or wrong), though I am a specialist on those sorts of questions, it's best for me to pass. Sorry.
I don't know if your comment is addressed to Will or to me. (For what it's worth, since we're sharing stories about government assistance, I was born to an unwed poor single mother who had to collect welfare checks, too. So, please don't make any assumptions about my overall politics or my attitudes toward the poor.)
I agree it's a good idea, all things equal, to educate voters. Great. Go do that. Still, even if it's true that we should educate voters, it doesn't follow that those who will vote badly should vote. Those are two separate points. It's true that we should try to educate drivers so they drive better, and it's also true that irresponsible drivers shouldn't drive.
Let's say hypothetically your society unjustly fails to educate you, and, as a result, you will never have the skills needed to become a qualified surgeon or driver. Then you shouldn't be a surgeon or a driver. It's not your fault you shouldn't be a surgeon or driver, but you still shouldn't be one.
I think a good liberal society ought to provide in one way or another for the education of all. My country does tend to do poorly educating certain groups. That's lamentable, and insofar as it's the product of bad policy, unjust. It is a bad thing if people born into lower socioeconomic-statuses are consistently placed in positions where they are unable to vote well due to a lack of education or some other good. These things should be changed. However, it doesn’t follow that people should not vote badly. I agree that we should educate people better, and I also hold that they should not vote badly. We should probably also have more economics courses in high schools, but that doesn’t mean that people shouldn’t vote badly. Etc. If we see people are voting badly, this calls, all things equal, for institutional reform (if we can get it with a net positive effect). But the fact that calls for institutional reform doesn’t automatically let individuals off the hook.
Lack of education is a problem. Go fix that. If bad voting by unqualified people doesn't fix the problem, then don't ask for that. Ask for the thing that fixes the problem.
Tom:
It takes some work to establish my position, which holds that you don't have any obligation to vote, but you must not vote badly if you do vote. (Note that I don't say you have to vote in an optimal way, just that you must not vote badly.) There are serious objections to such a simple claim that it takes quite a bit of work to overcome. First, your vote counts for basically nothing, so it's unclear why it would matter how you vote. Second, I had to show that my argument for not voting badly did not imply that stronger claims that everyone should vote, and everyone should vote well. Third, I had to stave off worries about "epistocracy". Then I had to show that the fact that many people vote out of consideration for character or skill didn't in some way invalidate my claim that they shouldn't vote for harmful policies or candidate likely to produce harmful policies. So, there's a lot involved in saying that there's such a thing as a bad decision. So, yeah, every moral claim is an instance of "don't make bad decisions", but they hardly reduce to it.
As for the metaethical question (what makes something objectively right or wrong), though I am a specialist on those sorts of questions, it's best for me to pass. Sorry.
9 months ago
in New on Free Will: Polluting the Polls with Jason Brennan on Will Wilkinson
Hi everyone,
Thanks for the comments.
Just a few points:
1. Squashed: We discussed the miracle of aggregation in the discussion, and it also gets some discussion in a footnote in the paper. Also, note that bad voting includes voting from irrational and immoral beliefs, not just ignorance. So if it turned out ignorant voting is harmless, it wouldn't make much difference to my argument.
2. For the people making the Jim Crow analogies: Note that a point I make in the talk and in the paper is that we would not want to have any sort of competence exam. The duty I discuss is a moral duty, but should not be enforced by law (in part because we can't trust anyone to enforce it properly, and in part because it would be unjust to enforce it).
3. The reason I don't give a precise formula for bad voting is because it's not necessary for the argument. In philosophy, you try to use the minimal number of premises to establish a conclusion.
4. Finally, note that I don't necessarily endorse the view that poor people are bad voters. The discussion was hypothetical: Suppose it turns out bad voters are disproportionately poor. If so, would that mean this view is epistocratic or elitist in a bad way?
Cheers,
J
Thanks for the comments.
Just a few points:
1. Squashed: We discussed the miracle of aggregation in the discussion, and it also gets some discussion in a footnote in the paper. Also, note that bad voting includes voting from irrational and immoral beliefs, not just ignorance. So if it turned out ignorant voting is harmless, it wouldn't make much difference to my argument.
2. For the people making the Jim Crow analogies: Note that a point I make in the talk and in the paper is that we would not want to have any sort of competence exam. The duty I discuss is a moral duty, but should not be enforced by law (in part because we can't trust anyone to enforce it properly, and in part because it would be unjust to enforce it).
3. The reason I don't give a precise formula for bad voting is because it's not necessary for the argument. In philosophy, you try to use the minimal number of premises to establish a conclusion.
4. Finally, note that I don't necessarily endorse the view that poor people are bad voters. The discussion was hypothetical: Suppose it turns out bad voters are disproportionately poor. If so, would that mean this view is epistocratic or elitist in a bad way?
Cheers,
J
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9 months ago
in Pluralism and the Strains of Commitment on Will Wilkinson
Do you know Gerry Gaus's critique of Rawls? Gaus probably has the best claim to a philosophy that takes the idea of public reason seriously. That is, he doesn't use reasonably pluralism as a point to be used and then discarded in an attempt to justify a pre-conceived conclusion. He means it.
11 months ago
in The Argument for Preemptive Redistribution on Will Wilkinson
I'm not sure inequality is the real problem when it comes to rent-seeking.
Rent-seeking depends on the possibility of concentrated benefits and diffused costs. It's inequality of benefit not inequality of resources to spend on that benefit that matters. Even in a perfectly wealth egalitarian society, you could see rent-seeking under such conditions. However, since rents are scarce, when there is wealth inequality, then, all things equal, you'd expect the price to be bid up by those with more resources. So, it's true that in unequal societies, the rich capture more rents (and there are other reasons why this is so, such as the rich tend to be educated enough to know how to do this), but that doesn't mean that in equal societies, there won't be rent-seeking.
Rent-seeking depends on the possibility of concentrated benefits and diffused costs. It's inequality of benefit not inequality of resources to spend on that benefit that matters. Even in a perfectly wealth egalitarian society, you could see rent-seeking under such conditions. However, since rents are scarce, when there is wealth inequality, then, all things equal, you'd expect the price to be bid up by those with more resources. So, it's true that in unequal societies, the rich capture more rents (and there are other reasons why this is so, such as the rich tend to be educated enough to know how to do this), but that doesn't mean that in equal societies, there won't be rent-seeking.
You point out my most fundamental disagreement with your view. Let's examine it.
The very nature of a right is that it may be exercised in controversial or socially harmful ways. Hence, we have debates on the limits of rights - whether it be pornography, rap music, negligent parenting, etc. Generally, those who accept the notion that free speech is a right will accept that the right should be freely exercised, unless there is a concrete and severe harm. So, in the end, the right is limited by fairly exigent examples. Broader arguments against free speech - such as the argument that there is some statistical connection between pornography and rape or even sexism - are inherently dangerous, and when they are made, they are essentially covert attacks on the right itself. Again, because acceptance of the notion of a right is an acceptance of the inherent legitimacy of self-determination, not the acceptance of the choices made through that self-determination.
Hence, it is commonplace and unexceptional to comment that we all wish that others would make different choices, or that some people make bad choices in the area of rights. I have no problem saying that it would be better if people would refrain from making violent porn or rap music, or if they would read books on child development. It makes sense to make information and education available to people on all topics, so they can live their lives, and exercise their rights, in ways that benefit all. The odd thing about voting, unlike rap music or bad parenting - we can't even define clearly who the bad voters are, or what their influence is. So, it's a little odd to even discuss them.
So, this isn't a question of rights. Instead, you make it a question of morality, and quite a useless one, because you note that it is one that to have any effect requires self-policing. But, as a matter of morality, it is exceedingly odd to single out a right. You say it is morally wrong to participate in a neo-Nazi rally. But that really is just a tiny slice of the moral question at issue. It is morally wrong to be an anti-semite - in the privacy of one's thoughts, at the dinner table, or at a rally. You are issuing an odd injunction: not, "forsake racism" but "don't exercise the franchise in a racist manner." But the practical reality is, as long as racism exists in society, there will be racists voting. Instead of - as anyone who's main concern was morality would be - opposing racism, laziness, and prejudice, you choose to condemn only one action: voting. But, again, voting isn't the moral issue: the underlying attitude is - voting being one manifestion of an actual problem.
Which, frankly, is troubling in a world with a history of movements to prevent the "wrong" people from voting. Given this history, and given that "bad" voting is undefinable, I find your focus troubling.
And, even more to the point, the value of democracy (at least from my perspective) is that racists and ignorant people can and do express their preferences, for several reasons. The government imposes force on the government, and democracy is a way to philosophically legitimize that force. It may be my preference to have no jews in the government. Bigot though I am, I get my say over how I am governed: this is self-determination. If stupid people choose a stupid government, that is an expression of their will, and government gains legitimacy from their will.and nothing else: not the will of a few, or the best, as all are equally subjects. There is no higher value involved. Additionally, I would rather have immoral influences worked out through the electoral process than left to fester in dark corners. The value of democracy thus has nothing to do with the ultimate policy choices.
Now, perhaps I just missed this, but it seems to me that you paid lip service to the value of democracy and rights by merely saying that it would be wrong to force people not to vote or participate in neo-Nazi rallies. I differ. I want people with neo-Nazi attitudes to participate in the political process (the problem with neo-Nazis as a party being not that they are bigots that they ultimately will want to replace democracy and self-determination with force - this is a problem that I will explain a bit below). Only though the open struggle between "bad" and "good" ideas do we progress, and it is a human right to be heard by those who legitimize force over you, however, stupid the exercise.
The neo-Nazi question comes down to whether a political party (not a voter) should be able to advocate for the overthrow of liberal democracy (that is, respect for personal automony and democratic process). This seems to me a different question, more along the lines of limits on free speech at the extreme edges. One can be an anti-semite or racist, and vote against candidates because of race or religion, and not violate the fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. This may not lead to good policy choices, but that isn't the object.
Perhaps you addressed this. If so, I'm sorry I didn't understand.